gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
There’s an important thing I began to notice when I started having arguments on the internet in contexts where most of the participants disagreed with me. It’s simple, but it’s under-appreciated: silence really is a virtue. Remaining silent when you desperately want to argue is hard, and valuable, and it’s worth trying to get better at it over time.

This observation is somewhat at odds with the ethos of our time. Indeed, within “ally culture,” this attitude is actively discouraged. If you want to be an ally to marginalised people, you have to speak up when you see someone who is bad or wrong! “The standard you walk past is the standard you accept.”

Spurring people to rectify injustice even when they are not affected by it is important. But sometimes you can’t speak up about everything, because there is too much of it. Sometimes there is a decent chance that intervention might do more harm than good. Sometimes you’ve spoken up already and it just didn’t work. And sometimes you can have conflicting priorities, in which rectifying injustice is important, but so is a different underlying mission. When people actively try to remove their ability to be silent in these kinds of situations, this creates counterproductive knock-on effects.

A commonly-discussed issue centres on what to do when you have a relative with repugnant political views whom you cannot avoid seeing at family events. Suppose you have already argued with this person, to no avail, and now your family would like you to just ignore them and change the subject if they express such views in future, so as not to provoke a row. Should you?

Rather than risk moral compromise, a commonly-floated solution is to simply avoid family gatherings altogether. By not walking past the situation (because you stayed away, instead), you avoid accepting it. This, alas, leads to Copenhagen Ethics, which is the idea that by interacting with a problem — even just by seeing it — you become responsible for it. As long as you don’t see your racist uncle, your racist uncle is not your fault! But if you do see him, at that point you can be held responsible for not fixing him.

Does avoiding a racist relative actually advance the cause of racial justice? Not obviously. It may even make the problem worse, by removing a potential source of anti-racist prompting and/or confirming for this person that people who disagree with them are “snowflakes” who can’t tolerate opposing views. I am not saying you cannot choose avoidance, if you feel this is what is best for you, but avoidance is not necessarily morally superior, as a rule.

Consider, as an alternative, the practice of sitting with something you perceive to be wrong while accepting that sometimes you can change it, and sometimes you can’t. This requires ongoing discernment: can you help solve the problem, or can’t you? You won’t always be perfect in making that judgment call. But, if you have the resources to make the attempt, then this is better than a universal practice of avoiding difficult problems lest you be held responsible for them.

I call this active silence. Rather than ignoring the problem, an actively silent person waits for the possibility of useful action. Sometimes that moment may never come. Sometimes it can be hard to see. But over time, you can get better at this.

Active silence tends to be uncomfortable. In some ways, it is important not to find it easy to remain silent before a problem; your moral reaction to it is an important factor in preserving your capacity to discern solutions! The practice of feeling moral urgency without immediately acting on it is subtle and potentially dangerous. It is also vital, because the alternative is a world composed of the complacent and the hotheaded. “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / Are full of passionate intensity.”

I’m not ready for the end of the world; I’m not waiting for a revolution. Good comes from what we build, stone by stone. And when I don’t have a place for the stone I am carrying, sometimes the right choice is to keep carrying it for a time.

gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
Diverse, liberal democracies are founded on the idea that different groups of people, with very different value systems, can coexist within a single society. This is a good thing, because it gives people freedom to choose the frameworks that work best to help them live their lives. But it does raise an important question. Namely, if I go out of my way to be good to other people, but those people have different value systems to me, then how can I trust that they won't just take advantage of my good nature?

Suppose Amal believes in a strong variant of Free Speech. No exceptions. Copyright should be abolished. That whole “‘fire’ in a crowded theatre” thing has a terrible history. “Hate speech” is too hard to define. And so on. Amal goes out of his way to defend the rights not just of people he finds abhorrent, but even of people who say terrible things to him directly. Sometimes that requires a lot of self-control on his part. It goes beyond belief in a particular principle to become an entire practice, a developing virtue into which he sinks a great deal of effort.

Now let's consider somebody with a very different set of beliefs. Let's call them Bill. Bill is a lot softer on the idea of free speech. He thinks perhaps there should be a "hate speech" exception. He definitely thinks that semi-private spaces should take advantage of their autonomy to restrict certain types of speech, even when that speech is still legally allowed. Amal would be horrified, but Bill is actually practicing some virtues of his own. He believes in not hurting people's feelings. To support that practice, he's started to get really into understanding people's feelings. This, in itself, requires a different sort of acceptance of diversity, as Bill develops his ability to understand and respect feelings that at first seem incomprehensible to him. Bill believes in protecting spaces where people can be vulnerable, because those are the spaces where he is able to develop these virtues of understanding and respect.

In one version of this story, Bill and Amal are good people who learn a lot from each other. Amal thinks Bill's ideas about who should be allowed to say what, and where, are terrible, but Amal also believes in Bill's right to say these things. Bill thinks that Amal has some dangerously open ideas about speech, but Bill also respects the strength of Amal's feeling on the matter, and would like to listen to what Amal has to say about why he believes what he believes. So, they each engage with each other according to the virtues they believe in, and in the process they become good examples for each other. Bill takes more interest in the extent to which free speech ideas can be important for allowing minority sentiments to be expressed. Amal starts to think about whether there could be a place for freedom of association to allow people to create very limited safe spaces. Bill notices the ways in which respect for one person's feelings might make you shut down another person's heartfelt sentiment, and tries to avoid this pitfall of the compassionate virtue he is developing. Amal tries to incorporate genuine respect for the feelings of offended people into his free speech defenses, in the hopes of winning more people over. They never do stop being in two separate camps, but their views gain nuance and their virtues gain depth. They become better people from encountering one another.

In another version of this story, the opposite happens. Amal notices that Bill isn't respecting freedom of speech at all. Bill notices that Amal is dismissive of the feelings of people who are hurt by other people's speech. Both of them decide that they can "tolerate anything except intolerance" and suspend practice of their respective virtues when dealing with one another. After all, if Bill doesn't respect Amal's free speech, why should Amal respect Bill's free speech? And if Amal isn't respectful of Bill's feelings, then why should Bill be respectful of Amal's feelings?

After some time, Bill, having seen that Amal doesn't defend Bill's speech, concludes that Amal's free speech ideas are basically worthless. Meanwhile, Amal determines that Bill's compassion is worth exactly zero where Amal is concerned. Both of them become worse people, who aren't consistent in the virtues they advocate and who don't see any kind of worth in the other's sense of virtue at all.

In an ideologically and culturally diverse society, that initial calculation of "You don't recognise this virtue, so why should I practice it towards you?" is deeply, deeply dangerous. There will always be people who don't recognise a particular virtue, in the form that you understand it. But sometimes they have some other version of it -- deeply flawed, no doubt, from your perspective -- that they're still beholden to. And if you drop your version, and they drop their version, then the only thing that happens is that society as a whole becomes less and less virtuous overall.

One might, of course, try to advocate for societies that don't need virtue, except as measurable outputs that you can hold people to. Build a capitalist meritocracy, reward the people who play by the rules, and forget trying to cultivate the squishy subjective things that you can't even fully define, and that vary so widely between subcultures.

One might also look at liberal, multi-cultural democracies and diagnose them with an incurable degeneracy, a lack of social trust that inevitably leads to the decay of all personal virtue.

I will take neither of these. Virtue is at least partially its own reward, and we should cultivate it even in its unmeasurable subjectivity. A society that is so beholden to objective measurement that it fails to leave room for subjective judgement will fall to pieces on the blade of Goodhart's law. A society that attempts to enforce a single subjective vision will blind itself to the truth and terrorize its citizens. Diverse subjectivity is the only humane and sensible option.

What this means, inevitably, is that I am going to have to extend virtues to people who aren't extending those exact virtues back to me. I'm going to have to correct, continuously, for the perception that I am extending more trust than those who are different to me (whether I actually am or not). I'm going to have to cultivate virtue for its own sake.

Fortunately for me, "virtue for its own sake" is the best way to cultivate virtue, anyway.

gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
Cosmopolitan reports that a procedure for preventing cervical cancer might, possibly, have an unintended side effect of severely reducing sexual sensation:

[T]he research just isn’t there: Studies on LEEPs mostly focus on cancer prevention or pregnancy complications. A 2010 one out of Thailand did find a small but statistically significant decrease in overall sexual satisfaction after a LEEP, and an Italian study that same year showed a loss of sexual desire. But both concluded that the cause is likely psychological versus the result of damage to the cervix. In 2015, a review in the American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology suggested that LEEPs can affect sexual function...but that more research is needed.

Without strong evidence to back them up, several women Cosmo spoke to say they face an endless procession of doctors who don’t believe that their sexual dysfunction could be caused by the procedure. And the trauma of being disbelieved only compounds, for them, the trauma of feeling that an essential part of them has been irreparably damaged. No one gave them another option. Instead, to stay alive, Sasha, Emily, and the others had to give up one of the things that makes life worth living.

Cosmo particularly foregrounds the undervaluing of women's capacity to orgasm, and that's definitely part of the issue, here:

In the field of urology, doctors regularly discuss the possible sexual side effects of surgery on the male reproductive organs—and Dr. Irwin Goldstein says this should happen in gynecology too: “An era has to come when we accept that there are risks to operating on the cervix."

I was also struck, though, by the way in which this presents such a clear example of misusing rationality to dismiss women's subjective experiences. Scientifically, sure, it makes sense to say "we don't yet have enough evidence to say." Medically, however, a standard of "we won't take seriously the possibility of a side effect until you can prove it happens" is downright irresponsible.

I don't doubt that, to many of the doctors dismissing these potential side effects, the dismissal seems "rational" to them. Feelings are just feelings; the sensible rational person is skeptical of such things. Especially (alas) if the feelings in question are women's feelings. But in medicine, of course, there are all manner of effects that you can't learn about except by asking the patient about their subjective experience. In this situation, a lack of respect for subjectivity in our rational discourse has deep and profound costs.
gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
I have a principled belief that productive debate about issues frequently involves comprehension of others' emotions, and the expression (and comprehension) of ones own emotions.

It occurs to me that comprehension of ones own emotions is not usually incompatible with control of ones own emotions.

This contrast between comprehending an emotion and being unable to control it interests me. In particular, a failure mode of rationalism is eshewing the expression and comprehension of emotion while utterly failing at the control of emotion. This is the precise reverse of the ideal state, I think.

But it deserves to be noted, with different emphasis, that comprehension of ones own emotions is not usually incompatible with control of ones own emotions. Sometimes it is. Sometimes letting go of control is the only way to fully understand how you feel and why you feel that way. And sometimes there are very real and pointed rational arguments buried in those emotions, which can only be uncovered by allowing the emotion to be felt in an unfettered way.
gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
Privilege, in the social justice sense of the word, is an extremely broad concept. In this post, what I want to do is to draw out specific sub-elements of the concept of privilege that are particularly relevant to rationalists -- or, more broadly, to people who care deeply about seeking the truth by listening to a wide range of ideas, whether those people feel themselves to be "rationalists" or not.

I have two main purposes, here. The first is to draw more people into the habit of using those elements of the concept of privilege that they feel are relevant to them. I'd like to isolate useful ideas that people can employ without needing to buy wholesale into everything that "privilege" has come to mean. My second purpose is to enable more efficient steelmanning by people who have found themselves in an argument with someone who is accusing them of privilege. Not all privilege accusations are good argumentation in themselves, but the scrupulous debater who wishes to check, very carefully, whether their opponent might have a point should (I hope) at least be able to quickly run through some of the things I list below, in order to check whether they might apply to the situation at hand.

This post is deliberately constructed to lead you down the rabbit hole, as it were. I'm going to start with the most neutral, individualist formulation I know, and develop more controversial and/or societally-based arguments as I go along. At some point, you may find yourself thinking "Nope, this is where I get off the train." If so, that is fine. I'm not advocating anything here that I don't find convincing, myself, but nor do I expect everyone to be as convinced by these things as I am.

A. Reasoning From Insufficiently General Personal Experience

Let's start with the familiar notion of an argumentative fallacy. Consider the following arguments:
  • The police have always treated me well as long as I follow instructions. So if they police treated this person badly, they must not have followed instructions.
  • I am rarely disturbed by anything strangers say to me when I am out walking. People who complain about street harassment are obviously over-reacting.
  • My social circle functions fine without belief in God. People who say religion is essential to the society where they live do not know what they are talking about.
The common thread, here, is one of people placing undue weight on their own experiences. This is a really common thing for people to do. It's basically where the typical mind fallacy comes from. Privilege, though, is more like the typical life fallacy. Most people are basically like me, right? Their experiences mostly mirror mine? Well, no, not always. This is obvious in the abstract, but obscure in the specific. It's just so natural to fill in the gaps in whatever story you are being told with whatever you think is most likely, and your sense of what is likely is frequently going to be based on your own experience, because what else would you use?

Because this argumentative fallacy emerges out of an ordinary element of human information processing, it's common in everyday life, even when no sort of debate is taking place. For example, my husband once remarked to me on the awkwardness of, say, being on a train, and seeing something interesting in the pattern of a woman's skirt, and then realising that you are staring and having to just carefully not look anywhere near that person for the rest of the train ride.

I shrugged. "I generally just say 'nice skirt' and then it's all fine," I told him.

He had to actually point out to me that this wasn't an option for him. It doesn't come across the same way if you're not female. This was obvious, once he had pointed it out! I didn't see it, because it's normal to assume that people mostly experience things the way that you do, and most people need a reason to stop doing this; I am no exception. Absent other information, I will interpolate my own experiences into the stories people tell me about themselves, even in cases where this is wildly inappropriate.

This is the fallacy of Reasoning From Insufficiently General Personal Experience. We all do it. Best to be aware of it, and to memorise a few of the most common ways that your experience might differ from others, but you're never going to get rid of it completely. Might as well just thank people when they point out that, oops, there you go again.

B. The Insufficiently General Social Circle

Being overly confident in the generality of your own experience can be a problem, but it's generally a fixable one. Other people are different to you, fair enough. Not hard to understand, once it's pointed out.

Far worse are the problems that arise when the Insufficiently General Personal Experience in question is not just yours. You and everyone you know has a driver's license! Everybody has a driver's license! Requiring a driver's license in order to vote is just not that difficult! Look, we'll even put in a few extra ID options for those weirdos who never bothered to learn or are, like, I guess, blind or something? But how many of those people can there be? I have no idea what those people could even be like. Surely it can't be that hard for them to sort this out.

The situation where your experience suggests one thing as most likely, but your friend's experience suggests something else, is not so bad. Your friend can, hopefully, call you on your false assumption. You are likely to listen to your friend. They may even be able to fill you in on enough details for you to understand exactly what is going on.

On the other hand, when the only people who don't share your experience in this instance are not your friends, there are a wide variety of new problems that arise. The first and most obvious is that it's quite possible that no-one will ever call you on the false assumption that you are making. There will simply be no-one to tell you otherwise. A second problem that can happen is that, even when somebody does call you on your false assumption, all your friends will tell you that the person calling you on it is clearly wrong. They share your false assumption, and will back you up on it.

A third problem is that the difference in question may not seem simple, normal and understandable. On the contrary, the idea that someone might not share this part of your experience might already be enough to push them outside the circle of people you can easily empathise with. This can be a problem on an emotional level, where you instinctively double down on your error on grounds that if someone doesn't share something so basic to your experience, how could they possibly be worth your time? It can also be a problem in a more detached sort of way, where you find that changing that element of the picture in your mind leads to a new picture that just doesn't make sense.

Sometimes, even when you know that your social circle is insufficiently general, it can be hard to know where to go from there. Consider, for example, Charles Murray's How Thick Is Your Bubble? quiz. This was included in his 2012 book Coming Apart, which I confess I have not read, but the quiz was everywhere in the media coverage. At its heart, the argument this quiz is making comes across, to me, as a straightforward privilege argument: "Look at all these people whose experiences you and your social circle do not share! This probably means that there are a lot of important things that you do not understand about them." Makes sense. Good privilege argument. No controversy so far, on my end. Now what?

People have a lot of different answers to the now what. At the extreme end, I've seen people basically follow this up with "So you should immediately implement my political goals without asking further questions, because you obviously could not possibly understand things well enough to contradict me." This is impractical, not least because it is very, very easy to completely fail to understand two different groups of people who want contradictory things, and obviously you cannot simply defer to them both. Fortunately, you have other options.

At minimum, you can quietly note the gap in your knowledge, and fill it when/if the opportunity arises. I think you should always do at least this much. In theory, noting the gap in your knowledge should stop you from rudely interrupting people who try to tell you about it, which may make filling the gap a little easier than it would otherwise be.

If you want to go further, you can actively seek out more information. Read a book written from the perspective you're trying to understand, or a blog post, or an article. Learn some surrounding context rather than focusing on a single issue. The aim here is not, of course, to understand everyone in the world so well that you will never misunderstand anybody ever again. That's blatantly impossible. But even a little additional context can transform "This change to the picture makes no sense, how would that even work?" with "Okay, if they're saying this, then that probably has a bit to do with this other thing, which might make sense if I also include this." It's not that you stop making mistakes, it's that you can stop being completely lost.

C. Not Everyone is Participating In The Debate On The Same Terms

If you're reading this, then you may know I'm a feminist. If you know I'm a feminist, you may also have noticed that I've left an obvious question open.Most people have some women within the circle of people that they know. How is it possible, then, for the systemic, social type of privilege fallacy to arise when men try to understand women? If almost nobody has an insufficiently general social circle, in this regard, does that mean that the individualist type of Reasoning From Insufficiently General Personal Experience is the only potential problem, here?

The composition of your social circle isn't the only thing that can distort the range of viewpoints you hear. Other things that can have this effect include:
  • Some things are really hard to talk about. You probably know someone who is a survivor of child sexual abuse of some sort. You may not know that they are a survivor of child sexual abuse, however. Even if you do know this, they still may not call you on it if you make some sort of privileged assumption that someone who had endured sexual abuse as a child would be less likely to make. That would involve disagreeing with you on a subject that is likely to be highly emotional for them. This can be understandably hard.
  • Some types of difference are stigmatized. A disabled person may not want to highlight the things they cannot do, for fear that people might react with pity or disgust. Instead, they may put up with problems that your false assumptions inadvertently cause for them, in exchange for being treated more normally by you.
  • Relatedly, people who have less social power than you may not have the social standing to correct false assumptions that you make about what their lives are like. Women may have learned that seeming angry in any way will make people take them less seriously. Black people may have learned that expressing disagreement can cause them to be seen as angry or rebellious even when they are perfectly calm. They may choose not to speak up for these reasons. Or, they may in fact speak up, and you and the rest of your social circle may in fact dismiss them for precisely these reasons.
  • Sometimes, the people who have historically been privileged just got there first, and wrote all the books, and that can seem like it settles it. The picture has been drawn, and everybody knows it looks like this. (What do you mean, that picture is wrong in places? That can't be right. Somebody would have said.) This can lead to a self-reinforcing silence. Anyone who speaks up will be attacked by people who have got used to the status quo. Better not to say anything.
By now, this might seem like a pretty broad taxonomy of privileged ignorance and the things that can drive it. I confess I'm quite proud of how much I've been able to include. But I promised to take you down a rabbit hole, and that really does mean that, if I can, I ought to keep going until logic itself starts moving in curves. 

D. The Same Terms Don't Affect Everyone In The Debate Equally

So far, it seems to me that everything I've said fits quite nicely into a fairly standard rationalist viewpoint. Include these potential blind spots into your understanding of the world, and make filling them part of your rationalist project. That's all.

That's not all. Here's the thing. Rationality is biased. To be clear, I don't mean that the ideal, perfect form of reasoning to which rationality might theoretically aspire is biased. I mean that rationality, as we understand it, is biased. The tried, tested heuristics of good reasoning by which rationalists try to operate have privilege built into their very core.

After all, how the heck did it take us this long to see how utterly, utterly common it is to reason from insufficiently general personal experience? Why wasn't this codified earlier? Why wasn't there a word for it? How did we end up in this situation? Somebody says "privilege" and a few decades later a whole freaking reef of concepts have grown onto this one word, finally this one, solid word, that has to carry so much with such variety because there's nothing else we can use to refer to all of these weird and wonderful and, yes, really common phenomena that couldn't be seen because they couldn't be said!

What else don't we see? What else don't we say? Emotion, that's what. "Emotional" arguments are traditionally excluded from rational discussion for perfectly good reasons, such as the fact that some types of emotion can indeed make it harder to listen to people you disagree with. Unfortunately, however, if you want to reason about human beings, you do have to have some emotional data about the sorts of feelings that people feel under particular circumstances. If direct emotional expression is disallowed, where does this emotional data come from? From personal experience, that's where. Insufficiently general personal experience, most of the time. And here we are.

That's not even getting into the more superficial constructs around rationality. Like, say, the fact that we construct things around the idea of a 'debate' at all, instead of something more like a discussion. Does everything have to be based on a conflict model? It seems to me that we could use some more co-operative models of rationality -- not to supplant the conflict models entirely, just to expand on them. There are plenty of careful thinkers out there who don't like conflict much. Frankly, looking at the state of the internet, we could stand to include them a bit more.

Yes, folks, I am all-out suggesting that we take rationality apart.

Yes, I know this has costs.

The problem is, we're already paying those costs. The problems I've pointed out, here? They're well known, along with plenty more like them, and right now people are using those problems as reasons why they shouldn't listen to people they disagree with, why they shouldn't bother trying to convince anyone, why rationality is useless and a sham.

They are not entirely wrong. That's the problem. We can lament the demise of enlightenment values all we want, we can decry "illiberalism" all we want, but if we really want to shore up our position, we've got to get better foundations than we have now. We've got to figure out precisely what it is we need to keep from that earlier model, and find new ways to get those things that take critiques of rationality into account.

Well, that's my current project, anyway. It's pretty fun! But if this journey has long since taken you beyond the realms where you would ever want to live, then I hope you at least enjoyed the ride. Thanks for reading.
gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
What rules of politeness should we have when discussing political or intellectual issues? Consider the following:
  • Offensiveness is irrelevant. Only truth matters.
  • Allowing offensiveness systematically excludes people who are more vulnerable, thereby biasing the discussion.
  • Outgroup statements are more likely to seem offensive than ingroup statements, so disallowing offensiveness also biases the discussion.
  • To lower the temperature, we should disallow emotion from our rational debates.
  • You can't usefully discuss matters involving human beings if no acknowledgement of emotion is allowed. Disallowing "emotion" just favours noncontroversial emotions over controversial ones, since noncontroversial emotions do not need to be vividly expressed in order to be understood and taken as meaningful.
I could go on. The truth is, there is no set of rules of debate that is unbiased, not even "no rules at all".

Historically, a set of intellectual "rules of debating" did exist in the Western enlightenment tradition, and it was useful. Two people who had never met, and who had very different viewpoints, could nevertheless hold an intellectual discussion on a shared footing of "no personal attacks" and "use reason not emotion" and so on. But the reason that system broke down was precisely because it was flawed and, yes, biased, and its purported universality made that bias so much worse than it would otherwise have been.

Within feminist communities, there arose the idea of the "safe space" in which ideas and feelings could be expressed on vulnerable topics. For example, a woman could come to the discussion and say "my boss did this, and I felt violated" without being immediately required to voice a full-fledged defense and definition of sexual harassment as a concept. The notion was a powerful one. It allowed painful truths to be incubated, to be given time to grow definition and defensibility before being forced to face the outside world.

As a tool for broadening the discussion, safe spaces are invaluable precisely because they broaden the types of discussion that can take place. But safe spaces broaden the discussion by means of a local narrowing, by disallowing certain types of criticism. Indeed, a rule that makes a space "safe" for some people may in fact sometimes make the space less safe for others.

There is no universal safe space, nor should we try to make one. To do so would be to engage in a new version of the fallacy that made the old "rules of debate" so infuriating. "If you can't make your point in this safe space, then it must be hateful and wrong" is just as false as "If your viewpoint can't survive these debate rules, then it must be irrational."

The only way out is to allow multiple sets of rules. That way, truths that are unsayable in one context can still be said in another. Other people can then respond, and the ideas can have the opportunity to be refined or critiqued from the local viewpoint. If we have multiple fora, we can have a system where pretty much anything can be said somewhere.

Ah, but doesn't this just give rise to multiple "bubbles" in which people only hear viewpoints close to them? Well, yeah. I think that's the system we currently have, to be honest. In attempting to break free of the more universal rules that existed previously, a whole set of justifications for narrower rules has been built up. Some of those justifications are even pretty good! But it's given rise to a situation where large numbers of people don't even try to listen to differing viewpoints. Worse still, even if they did try, there are relatively few communities that treat engaging with an outsider as worthwhile in the first place.

The thing we need, and don't have enough of, is overlap. We need ideas to travel from one community to another, changing (and hopefully improving) as they go. In order for this to happen, we need at least some communities to take breadth of represented viewpoints as a local virtue that they try to encourage. Currently, this is rare outside of rationalism, and that's a problem, because a single broad tent is not enough. We need multiple broad civilities in order to ensure that many different types of people have the opportunity to engage with people who are coming at things from a radically different angle.

It is my hope that explicitly acknowledging the usefulness of a pluralist notion of civility will help with this.  When we try to argue for a set of norms that are open to enough viewpoints to plausibly be universal, we fail over and over, giving rise to more and more insular communities. If we argue instead for breadth and overlap, we are at least arguing for something that can be achieved. We should encourage people to enter discussions in good faith even if they disagree somewhat with the local norms of engagement, knowing that norms should differ from forum to forum, so it's not wrong to allow different sets of norms to stand.

Here, then, is my (local) pluralist manifesto.
  • Respect that discussion norms are local. Don't try to make them universal.
  • Be part of the overlap. Belong to more than one community.
  • Encourage other people to recognise that discussion norms can and should differ from place to place.
  • Encourage other people to recognise that broad discussion norms are incredibly valuable and should be nurtured wherever they are compatible with community aims.

Charity

Dec. 1st, 2017 09:35 pm
gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
I've been spending a fair bit of time, lately, on the Culture War threads on /r/slatestarcodex. Terrible habit. Don't go there. I mean, if you're interested in hearing an unusually broad spectrum of political viewpoints, it's kind of impressive in a lot of ways (if somewhat right-leaning), but, still, it cannot be denied that "the CW thread", as it's called, is a never-ending temptation to engage in vexatious argumentation. In theory, the thread is not for fighting the culture war, merely for reasoning about it. I try to respect this by disengaging if I have little more to add, or if the conversation is likely to be repetitive and unhelpful. I am not alone in occasionally failing at this endeavour.

Still, there's a lot about the CW thread that fascinates me, and by far the most fascinating thing about it is the principle of charity on which it (theoretically) operates. "Charity", as a rationalist virtue, is the practice of assuming that people mostly mean what they say. They hold the views they say they hold, for the reasons they say they hold them. So, for example, if someone says "I oppose abortion because I think fetuses are fully human and have a right to life," it would be uncharitable to respond to this with "No you don't, you just want to force women to have babies as punishment for having sex."

People certainly do sometimes lie about what they believe and why they believe it. Far more often, however, they genuinely believe they are telling the truth about their views, and uncharitable argumentation just devolves into a never-ending spiral of dodgy psychoanalysis of people's "real" motivations, often treating it as broadly irrelevant whether those people are even aware that those are their real motivations or not.

I never realised, until I was engaging with a community that had rationalist charity as a virtue, how incredibly rare charity has become when dealing with some topics. It's so rare, in fact, that the presumption of charity can be a brilliant and enlightening intellectual exercise even when it is applied too broadly. Sure, sometimes you just end up pretty sure that the person you are talking to is, say, 100% prejudiced in exactly the way they claim they're not. But at other times, I can walk into a conversation thinking "This person is clearly obfuscating their true motivations, but, sure, I'll take them at their word for now," and walk out of it going "Dang, they are far less evil than I thought. Albeit clearly misguided. And they don't pay enough attention to this one really important thing. But I feel a lot better about the world now that I know they don't mean the horrible thing that I was initially pretty sure they were trying to get at."

If I applied the principle of charity more often, I'd probably be better at seeing where it doesn't apply. But I, and many of the people whose writing I read on the internet, have operated largely without such a principle for long enough that I wasn't even aware that I frequently can't predict when people I strongly disagree with are being perfectly sincere. I really like learning about this!

(And, of course, it's much easier to learn this virtue in a community that (a) usually reciprocates, and (b) understands the principle explicitly and can call me out when I fall short).
gemcode: A type of alpine parrot called a kea (Default)
The words "just as an intellectual exercise" have something of a bad reputation in social justice circles, these days. This is understandable given that one of the most common types of intellectual exercise is that of playing devil's advocate.

Still, I confess I rather like a little intellectual exercise, now and again. It seems to me that the biggest problem with the devil's many advocates, in fact, is that they're forcing an unwelcome intellectual exercise onto other people. This is frequently accompanied by a number of false assumptions, such as "If you don't engage with this exercise, you're effectively conceding the argument."

There's a rationalist viewpoint that I don't agree with that basically says that you ought to be always on the mark, ready to defend any aspect of your worldview, at any time, against all comers. It's not a good way to live, if you ask me. Truly questioning your entire worldview is a surprisingly difficult thing to do. Rather than asking everyone to always be ready to do it, I think it would be better if we let people decide for themselves when they're up for that, and when they're not. It's a good thing to do, yes, but it's better to do it a few times, and carefully, than to do it all the time, and sloppily. This is particularly true for emotional and painful subjects.

So that's my response to those who advocate for the devil and want me to play along. Conveniently, it still allows me to engage in whatever intellectual exercises I want, when I want. And sometimes I will! But if you see me, on this blog, engaging in an intellectual exercise that you, yourself, would rather not engage in, then please know that I won't think less of you for disengaging.
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